Forex Trading For Beginners 2021: Outside the Box: Why Biden has to peel off a few Republican senators

With a global pandemic and associated economic crisis waiting for the president-elect, some observers have wondered whether Joe Biden could be a modern-day Franklin D. Roosevelt. The more apt comparison may be to Abraham Lincoln.

Ray Dalio, manager of the world’s largest hedge fund, believes that we are at a dangerous crossroads, bringing to mind some of the challenges Lincoln confronted—most centrally, an opposition party that refused to accept the results of a free and fair election.

“ The path forward depends on Biden and other Democrats finding a way to begin to change the direction of the Republican Party. ”

I don’t expect Biden to face, as Lincoln did, an armed attempt to dissolve the Union. But there are troubling similarities—a nation that has been bitterly divided for decades and a national party that refuses to accept the legitimacy of presidential election results with its leaders encouraging violence as a response.

‘Nothing is off the table’

President Donald Trump baselessly claims the election was rigged and has asked state legislators to illegitimately overturn the result. Trump ally Michael Flynn, recently pardoned by the president, has called for martial law and a new election supervised by the military. Trump lawyer Joe DiGenova called for the execution of former cybersecurity official Chris Krebs, and Trump ally Rep. Matt Gaetz declared that “nothing is off the table” when it comes to Republicans in Congress considering an attempt to refuse to accept certified election results from the states. The Arizona state Republican Party suggested supporters should consider putting their lives on the line to keep Trump in power.

Breaking news: Supreme Court rejects Republican bid to overturn Biden’s Pennsylvania win

Dalio observes that these extraordinary circumstances have “profound implications for Americans [and]…most economies and markets.” He warns that “The United States is at a tipping point in which it could go from manageable internal tension to revolution and/or civil war.”

As Lincoln recognized nearly 160 years ago, the nation’s path forward once again depends on the party that lost a presidential election playing by the rules of American democracy and rejecting extralegal efforts to upend the system. That means finding a way to work with Republicans—to extend an invitation (to those who are willing to reciprocate) that they have a place in the constitutional system, not as bitter enemies but as fellow Americans.

Some critics believe Biden is naive to think he can work with Republicans. The reality is that he (and all Americans committed to liberal democracy) have no choice. There are only two major political parties in the U.S. If one rejects liberal democracy yet remains a mainstream party, at some point, it will regain power. Meanwhile, a united Republican Party committed to power above all else can do a lot to sabotage Biden’s presidency.

The path forward depends on Biden and other Democrats finding a way to begin to change the direction of the Republican Party. There is no assurance it will work—but if they don’t even try, then failure is guaranteed.

Biden must pull the GOP away from the brink

The challenge for Biden is stark and it is clear: can he help lead the United States back from the brink? He cannot do this alone: from the outset of his presidency, he will almost certainly need at least some support from Republicans in Congress, and ultimately, if the Republican Party doesn’t pull away from the abyss, the danger will persist.

What does this mean, in tangible terms? Biden must reach out to congressional Republicans—not the majority who will be largely unreachable, but the few who have already made clear they recognize the grave danger the country faces. Mitt Romney is the obvious best option—he recently described Trump’s efforts to overturn the election results as the most undemocratic thing a sitting president could do.

Biden and Democrats must make a pitch to Romney aimed at persuading him to put country over party in refusing to vote in lockstep with the Republican caucus.

What would the pitch be? It depends, to an extent, on the results of the two U.S. Senate elections in Georgia early next month. If Republicans win one or both races and retain their majority in the Senate, Biden will have to ask Romney and perhaps one other Republican to provide the votes needed to ensure Biden’s presidency can get off the ground by confirming cabinet secretaries and other nominees while appropriating money to keep the government running and avoid a shutdown (an issue that will come to a head well before Jan. 20).

Biden should also ask for their support in dealing with at least four pressing crises: (1) the threat to liberal democracy and government itself; (2) the pandemic and related economic crisis; (3) climate change; and (4) racism and issues related to racial injustice.

If Democrats win both of the Georgia runoff elections (hardly a sure thing) then, in theory, Biden could move ahead without a single Republican vote in the House or Senate. But, unless the Republican Party changes direction and recommits to U.S. democracy, the dangers will not recede. Biden would still need to reach out to Romney and any other like-minded Republicans who are receptive to talking about specific ways to shore up liberal democracy.

Offer something in return

Of course, Biden would have to offer Republicans something in return, to persuade them it’s worth facing the prospect of angry tweets from an ex-president who remains immensely popular with rank-and-file voters, in addition to punishment from Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and the threat of a primary challenge from a Trumpist candidate. Biden and the Democratic Party cannot change the Republican Party itself—but they can help point a way forward by offering an incentive for at least some Republicans to reject Trump’s anti-democratic vision.

For instance, Biden might pledge not to expand the size of the Supreme Court, even if Democrats have enough votes in the Senate. He could also take Medicare for All off the board (Biden has already said he doesn’t support it) and make some concession on economic policy—for instance, agreeing to seek only a limited increase of the capital-gains tax. Senate Democrats could offer Romney a committee chair if he doesn’t caucus with the Republicans.

This approach would, of course, raise the ire of left wingers in the Democratic Party. Since Biden faces extraordinary challenges, he cannot take an ordinary approach in responding to them. While the Democratic Party’s left wing naturally has priorities it will want to focus on, many of these will have to be on the back burner.

The indispensable priority will have to be protecting American democracy. If this is not achieved, none of the other goals will matter.

During the 2020 election, we heard a lot about Never Trumpers putting country first as some endorsed Biden over Trump. Biden and the Democrats will have to take a similar approach now by recognizing some goals will have to take second place to the priority of trying to move the Republican Party away from the abyss.

That doesn’t mean abandoning all Democratic policy goals, but it will mean recognizing that, in these extraordinary circumstances, the immediate focus must be on stabilizing the system by responding the existential threat posed by the prospect of a Republican Party defined by personal loyalty to Trump and rejection of the central principles of American democracy.

Chris Edelson is an assistant professor of government in American University’s School of Public Affairs. He has written two books on presidential power. Follow him at @ChrisEdelson on Twitter.